{"id":334883,"date":"2026-01-17T14:44:18","date_gmt":"2026-01-17T19:44:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/?post_type=to4_article_post&#038;p=334883"},"modified":"2026-01-17T14:44:21","modified_gmt":"2026-01-17T19:44:21","slug":"coretta-scott-king-publicly-opposed-vietnam-before-mlk-and-urged-him-to-follow","status":"publish","type":"to4_article_post","link":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/articles\/coretta-scott-king-publicly-opposed-vietnam-before-mlk-and-urged-him-to-follow\/","title":{"rendered":"Coretta Scott King Publicly Opposed Vietnam Before MLK \u2014 and Urged Him to Follow"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"truth-post-content-before\" id=\"truth-2050695195\"><div class=\"callout callout inline-callout mb-5 callout--text callout--text\" id=\"truth-304218\" data-callout-id=\"304218\" data-callout-theme=\"text\" data-callout-placement=\"Undefined\" data-callout-title=\"BCB 304218 Support justice-driven, accurate and transparent news...\"><p><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Support justice-driven, accurate and transparent news \u2014 make a <\/span><\/i><a href=\"https:\/\/support.truthout.org\/-\/XXQLBDSX\/&amp;utm_source=truthout&amp;utm_medium=bcb&amp;utm_campaign=304218\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">quick donation<\/span><\/i><\/a><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to Truthout today!\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<p>As Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) raids schools, states ban honest teaching about race and gender, and public officials invoke Martin Luther King Jr. to call for restraint and \u201ccivility,\u201d King\u2019s legacy is being aggressively stripped of its political substance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Much of the scholarship and public memory of King has long privileged his work in the South, reinforcing the idea that racism was a regional aberration rather than a national system. This narrowing also obscures the intellectual and political partnership at the heart of King\u2019s work, particularly the leadership of Coretta Scott King, whose global vision, antiwar activism, and organizing shaped both King\u2019s politics and the broader freedom struggle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>King\u2019s sustained campaigns in Northern cities reveal how deeply he understood racism as structural \u2014 embedded in schools, housing, policing, and liberal governance \u2014 and how challenging this structural racism required disruption, organizing, and sustained pressure, rather than moral appeals alone.<\/p><div class=\"truth-post-content-high\" id=\"truth-3264015948\"><div class=\"callout inline-callout p-4 mb-5 callout--subscribe callout--dark\" id=\"truth-255396\" data-callout-id=\"255396\" data-callout-theme=\"dark\" data-callout-placement=\"Post Content - High\" data-callout-title=\"Don&#039;t miss a beat\"><h2>Don&#8217;t miss a beat<\/h2>\n<p>Get the latest news and thought-provoking analysis from <em>Truthout<\/em>.<\/p>\n<script>\nvar gform;gform||(document.addEventListener(\"gform_main_scripts_loaded\",function(){gform.scriptsLoaded=!0}),document.addEventListener(\"gform\/theme\/scripts_loaded\",function(){gform.themeScriptsLoaded=!0}),window.addEventListener(\"DOMContentLoaded\",function(){gform.domLoaded=!0}),gform={domLoaded:!1,scriptsLoaded:!1,themeScriptsLoaded:!1,isFormEditor:()=>\"function\"==typeof InitializeEditor,callIfLoaded:function(o){return!(!gform.domLoaded||!gform.scriptsLoaded||!gform.themeScriptsLoaded&&!gform.isFormEditor()||(gform.isFormEditor()&&console.warn(\"The use of gform.initializeOnLoaded() is deprecated in the form editor context and will be removed in Gravity Forms 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);\n<\/script>\n\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n<p>Historian and civil rights scholar Jeanne Theoharis challenges this hollowed-out version of King. In her new book, <a href=\"https:\/\/bookshop.org\/p\/books\/king-of-the-north-martin-luther-king-jr-s-life-of-struggle-outside-the-south-jeanne-theoharis\/f812d5f86346d8dc\"><em>King of the North<\/em><\/a><em>,<\/em> she shows that King understood racism as a national crisis and devoted years to fighting school segregation, housing discrimination, police brutality, and liberal resistance in Northern cities such as Chicago, New York, and Los Angeles. These efforts were often met with hostility from white liberals who supported civil rights in theory while resisting it in practice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>As the author of <em>The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks<\/em> and <em>A More Beautiful and Terrible History<\/em> and more, Theoharis is a leading historian of the civil rights movement whose work has reshaped how we understand Black freedom struggles, state repression, and the politics of historical memory. Her latest book offers one of the most rigorous and timely accounts of Martin Luther King Jr.\u2019s Northern activism \u2014 and what it reveals about structural racism, liberal resistance, and the work required to confront injustice today. In the interview that follows, Theoharis discusses King not only as a gifted orator, but as an organizer committed to disrupting unjust systems. She also speaks about King\u2019s sustained organizing with gangs in Chicago; the central leadership of Coretta Scott King; and why confronting the \u201csilence of our friends\u201d remains essential for movements resisting repression today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a><\/a><strong>Jesse Hagopian: We\u2019re living through very dangerous times: imperialist wars, ICE agents raiding schools, books and curricula about Black history and LGBTQ+ lives being banned, and right-wing politicians criminalizing honest teaching about structural racism. Many of the same politicians driving this wave of repression cynically quote Dr. King\u2019s words about judging people by the \u201ccontent of their character, not the color of their skin\u201d \u2014 weaponizing his legacy to shut down conversations about racial justice.<\/strong><strong> Given that context, how do you think Dr. King would respond to this current wave of rising authoritarianism, censorship, ICE raids, and repression \u2014 and to the movement erupting against it with student walkouts and mass protests?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Jeanne Theoharis: <\/strong>One of the most common misuses of King \u2014 both on the MLK Day holiday and throughout the year \u2014 comes from people we might call moderates (drawing on King\u2019s &#8220;Letter from Birmingham Jail&#8221;) who agree with the goals but not the tactics, who prefer order to justice. We see that today in arguments about protesting the \u201cright\u201d way.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>King is often invoked to tell young people to quiet down, to stop being disruptive. But looking at King\u2019s actual life shows his deep belief in disruption \u2014 because injustice is comfortable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Injustice isn\u2019t maintained only by violent actors, whether the Klan or ICE agents today, but also by people who benefit from systems of segregation, discrimination, and criminalization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Even the Montgomery Bus Boycott was a disruptive consumer boycott meant to disrupt the city. King\u2019s nonviolence wasn\u2019t sanitized sit-ins \u2014 it included rent strikes, tenant organizing, school boycotts, and forcing injustice into public view.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>So yes, I think King would support disruption of the status quo and cheer students walking out to protest repression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a><\/a><strong>In your new book, <em>King of the North,<\/em> you show that Dr. King saw racism as a national crisis, not just a southern one. You challenge the familiar story of the civil rights movement as one where heroic southern activists were ultimately aided by enlightened northern liberals. How does looking at King\u2019s work outside the South complicate that narrative \u2014 and what does it reveal about who actually stood in the way of racial justice?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a><\/a><a><\/a>When we look at Dr. King outside of the South, we\u2019re forced to see a variety of people who stood in the way of the civil rights movement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The easy tale we often tell on King Day and in textbooks is that Dr. King and courageous southerners built this movement and, with the help of northern liberals and journalists, ultimately succeeded in passing the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. And that\u2019s huge.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>But that story is comfortable because it centers northern liberal \u201cgood guys.\u201d What <em>King of the North<\/em> forces us to see is that many of those liberals, as King would put it, were not so liberal at home. They might condemn segregation in the South while allowing \u2014 or even defending \u2014 it in New York, D.C., Chicago, or Seattle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Looking at King outside the South reminds us how injustice is maintained and shielded. We can think about his phrase \u201cthe silence of our friends,\u201d and his insistence that if so-called allies object to tactics rather than injustice itself, they were never truly allies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a><\/a><strong>You write that despite the avalanche of King biographies, many fail to connect the dots on his work in the North. What do you see as the most significant new contribution your book makes to our understanding of King?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a><\/a>I began this research nearly two decades ago while working on the civil rights movement in Los Angeles before Watts. I kept finding King in LA talking about police brutality, school segregation, and housing discrimination \u2014 and I realized this wasn\u2019t the story we\u2019re usually told.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>We\u2019re often told King \u201cdiscovers\u201d northern racism after the Watts rebellion of 1965, but that\u2019s simply untrue.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>I think of the book like a kaleidoscope: You turn it slightly and the entire picture changes. The book begins with Martin Luther King Jr. and Coretta Scott both going to school outside the South.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>King\u2019s own experiences with segregation in the North \u2014 and the way supposed allies retreated when injustice was close to home \u2014 shaped everything.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In 1950, while King was at Crozer Seminary, he and friends were refused service at a New Jersey bar despite a new anti-discrimination law. When they considered legal action, white law students who had been served refused to testify because it might hurt their futures.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Meanwhile, Coretta Scott was at Antioch College, one of the most liberal campuses in the country. When the town of Yellow Springs refused to allow Black student teachers, Antioch sided with the town. Her classmates \u2014 who protested many issues \u2014 would not stand with her.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Both of them learned early that northern segregation was real, and that allies often disappeared when confronting it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>King never \u201cdiscovers\u201d northern racism later. That\u2019s why, in his first book on the Montgomery Bus Boycott, he insists that injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere \u2014 and that northerners must confront injustice where they live.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The second thing the book shows is how King understood leadership \u2014 not just leading from the front, but showing up for other people\u2019s struggles. Between 1958 and 1965, he traveled 6 million miles supporting local campaigns against police brutality, school segregation, and urban renewal.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>And the third major contribution I make in the book is about Coretta Scott King.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a><\/a><a><\/a><strong>Yes! Your portrait of Coretta is incredibly moving. Can you talk about how <em>King of the North<\/em> repositions her \u2014 not just as King\u2019s partner, but as a leader in her own right, someone who deeply shaped King&#8217;s worldview, and also carried their shared vision forward after his assassination?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a><\/a>Thanks for putting it that way, because I think Coretta Scott King is often remembered as only King\u2019s helpmate. Some books portray her as an activist before she met Martin, then as sidelined during their marriage, and only emerging with her own voice after his assassination. That narrative is deeply misleading.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>She was more politically engaged than Martin when they met. She had already met Bayard Rustin and Paul Robeson. She had organized with the Progressive Party and attended its 1948 convention, which challenged segregation, economic injustice, and Cold War militarism \u2014 the \u201ctriple evils\u201d we associate with King\u2019s final year.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>On their first date, they talked about racism and capitalism. Like any good first date, right? He\u2019s smitten. He\u2019s never met a woman like her. At the end of their first date, he tells her, <em>You have everything I want in a wife \u2014 you\u2019re beautiful, you\u2019re principled, you\u2019re brilliant.<\/em> And she responds, <em>You don\u2019t even know me.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Looking closely at their early courtship shows that he has to bring his A-game with her. Some of the lines he\u2019s used to relying on simply don\u2019t work \u2014 she shuts them down, calling them \u201cintellectual jive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>There\u2019s a beautiful passage at the end of Toni Morrison\u2019s <em>Beloved<\/em> about having a \u201cfriend of your mind,\u201d and I think that\u2019s what they find in each other: a shared political commitment, but also a shared religious and moral grounding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Coretta was deeply Christian, but critical of church hypocrisy. King respected that. She was not a passive figure; she shaped his theology and politics as much as figures like Benjamin Mays and Howard Thurman.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>When they get married, in 1953 \u2014 not 1973, not 1993 \u2014 she did not wear white. She did not wear a long dress. And she gets her very imposing father-in-law to take \u201cobey\u201d out of their vows, because it makes her feel like an \u201cindentured servant,\u201d \u2014 and those are her words.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This was the partner King wanted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Her global vision shaped the movement. She joined the Women\u2019s International League for Peace and Freedom, organized against nuclear weapons, and traveled internationally for peace work.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>After King won the Nobel Prize, she saw it as a global responsibility. She pushed him to oppose the Vietnam War \u2014 and she went public against the war before he did, at great personal risk.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>From 1965 on, she is publicly opposed to the war in Vietnam. That places her in a very small minority at the time \u2014 something we often forget because of how large the antiwar movement becomes by the late 1960s and early 1970s. To oppose the war in 1965 meant being labeled un-American and subjected to FBI surveillance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In many ways, she is one of the early leaders of the antiwar movement. She speaks at one of the first major rallies at Madison Square Garden in June 1965 \u2014 the only woman on the program \u2014 and later that year speaks again in Washington, D.C. When a reporter asks Martin whether he educated her on Vietnam, he responds, \u201cShe educated me.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>She later reflects on how Martin\u2019s star burned so brightly that her work was often overlooked or attributed to him. But those who knew her described her as \u201cbeyond steel\u201d in her ability to withstand both the political pressure and the personal costs of taking such a public stand.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a><\/a><strong>Another thing you document is King\u2019s sustained organizing with gangs in Chicago \u2014 work he was doing <em>before<\/em> Fred Hampton\u2019s efforts to unite gangs \u2014 which may surprise many readers because it runs so counter to the sanitized, respectability-focused version of King we\u2019re often taught. What drew King into that work, and what did he see in those young men that others \u2014 including city leaders and the media \u2014 refused to see?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a><\/a><a><\/a>The very first night when they moved to Chicago, six members of the Vice Lords come by because the Kings are living in Vice Lords territory. At first, it\u2019s exactly what you might expect \u2014 <em>you\u2019re on our turf<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>But they keep coming back. Lawrence Johnson, the head of the Vice Lords, later says that you couldn\u2019t help but fall in love with King. They talked, they argued, they spent hours together strategizing and thinking. King saw these young men as key community resources and as potential leaders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>That really gives us a different way of understanding King, who is so often reduced to a kind of respectability-politics finger-wagger. Looking at these interactions \u2014 and at the fact that he was working not only with the Vice Lords but with gangs across the city, including the Blackstone Rangers on the South Side \u2014 we see a King who listened. He didn\u2019t interrupt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>He was trying to reduce violence between gangs, but he was also helping redirect their energy toward confronting educational inequality, urban renewal, and the slum housing conditions affecting their families. This is happening <em>before<\/em> Fred Hampton\u2019s efforts to unite gangs \u2014 to stop them from killing each other and to turn their collective power against white supremacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Hampton himself credits King as part of how he arrives at that approach. Just out of high school, Hampton joins the open-housing marches that summer. The multiracial, race- and class-based gang organizing that we associate with him begins earlier.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>As gangs become more political, police repression intensifies. In Chicago in the late 1960s, gang violence goes down, but police repression goes up. The kind of chilling effect we associate with Fred Hampton\u2019s assassination can already be seen in how the Chicago Police and the FBI respond to the politicization of gangs \u2014 particularly as they forge truces and begin organizing collectively. That political turn is seen as far more threatening.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a><\/a><strong>In <em>King of the North,<\/em> you challenge the common myth that segregation was only a southern problem, asking, \u201cWhat if the 1964 Civil Rights Act had actually been enforced against northern school districts?\u201d You show how King\u2019s activism in Chicago and other northern cities \u2014 especially around school and housing segregation \u2014 was met with fierce resistance and often dismissed or downplayed by the media. Can you talk about how segregation was maintained in the North, and what kind of resistance King faced when he confronted it?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a><\/a><a><\/a>By the mid-1960s, Chicago was one-third Black. The city responded by deepening segregation. Black residents were compressed into overcrowded neighborhoods, and schools followed suit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Chicago used \u201cdouble-session days,\u201d cutting school days in half for tens of thousands of Black students rather than integrating schools. When that wasn\u2019t enough, the district spent millions on trailers \u2014 \u201cWillis Wagons\u201d \u2014 to avoid desegregation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>These schools were overcrowded, under-resourced, and deteriorating.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In October 1965, the assistant secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW), Francis Keppel, decided to withhold $32 million in federal funds from Chicago Public Schools because the district was in probable noncompliance with the Civil Rights Act. White Chicago erupted. Members of Congress who had voted for the Act insisted, <em>This is not what we meant.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Mayor Daley was furious. He boarded a plane to New York, where President Johnson was meeting with the Pope, and confronted him directly. Less than a week later, Johnson ordered HEW to reverse course and release the funds. In effect, the president of the United States halted the enforcement of the Civil Rights Act against Chicago\u2019s schools.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>I don\u2019t usually like counterfactuals, but had the federal government held the line and forced Chicago to comply, it\u2019s possible that cities like New York, Los Angeles, and Washington, D.C. \u2014 places that still experience deep segregation today \u2014 might have been compelled to follow as well.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a><\/a><strong>Much<\/strong><strong> of your work has focused on the politics of memory \u2014 how we remember Rosa Parks, Martin Luther King Jr., and the civil rights movement more broadly. What did you learn from researching this book and what do you hope people take from King\u2019s legacy \u2014 not just King as an orator, but as an organizer?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a><\/a>King connected with people across the country around police brutality. He had experienced police brutality himself, and he spoke with Chicago gang members and with people in Harlem about it. He understood police violence not as isolated incidents, but as a structural problem.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>By the mid-1960s, King was describing cities like New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago through the lens of <em>domestic colonialism<\/em>, arguing that police and courts functioned as enforcers to keep Black communities in line. That language matters. When we see that King, we see someone who speaks directly to our moment \u2014 someone who clearly understood forces that are still with us today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>For many years, like a lot of scholars and organizers, I\u2019ve talked about the misuses of King and the misuses of the holiday. But this research also showed me how much there was still to learn about him. Even as we\u2019ve challenged some myths, others have remained \u2014 especially the tendency to southernize him, to see him only at the front of marches rather than supporting movements, listening, and being changed by the people around him. It also reshaped how I understand who King recognized as leaders, and the diversity of people he saw as central to the struggle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>King consistently focused on structure. One of my favorite moments is when a well-meaning liberal white woman suggests that Black people should just clean up their neighborhoods. King responds, <em>that\u2019s the job of sanitation<\/em>. No amount of individual effort, he insists, can substitute for equitable public infrastructure.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Finally, King was clear that the deliberate manipulation of history is central to the maintenance of injustice. That brings us back to where we began \u2014 today\u2019s attempts to ban certain histories or restrict what can be taught. King understood that telling some histories while erasing others has long been a way injustice sustains itself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Telling an honest history, then, helps us not only better see the past, but also where we are \u2014 and where we need to go.<\/p>\n<div class=\"truth-post-content-after\" id=\"truth-3913166512\"><div class=\"callout inline-callout p-4 mb-5 callout-- callout--white\" id=\"truth-334871\" data-callout-id=\"334871\" data-callout-theme=\"white\" data-callout-placement=\"Post Content - After\" data-callout-title=\"2026-01 Main Campaign (FRU) Trump is silencing political dissent. We appeal for your support.\">\n<div class=\"p-2 text-start\">\n<h5 class=\"pb-2\" style=\"text-transform: uppercase; font-family: var(--bs-font-sans-serif); text-align: center;\">Trump is silencing political dissent. We appeal for your support.<\/h5>\n<p class=\"mb-3\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Progressive nonprofits are the latest target caught in Trump\u2019s crosshairs. With the aim of eliminating political opposition, Trump and his sycophants are working to curb government funding, constrain private foundations, and even cut tax-exempt status from organizations he dislikes.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"mb-3\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>We\u2019re concerned, because Truthout is not immune to such bad-faith attacks.<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"mb-3\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We can only resist Trump\u2019s attacks by cultivating a strong base of support. The right-wing mediasphere is funded comfortably by billionaire owners and venture capitalist philanthropists. At Truthout, we have you.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"mb-3\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Truthout has launched a fundraiser to raise $45,000 in the next 8 days. <\/strong>Please take a meaningful action in the fight against authoritarianism: make a one-time or monthly donation to Truthout. If you have the means, please dig deep.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"m-0\" style=\"text-align: center;\"><a href=\"#XEGQPXGY\" style=\"display: none;\"><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Coretta Scott King&#8217;s vision shaped MLK&#8217;s politics and the broader freedom struggle, says historian Jeanne Theoharis.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":86,"featured_media":334894,"menu_order":0,"template":"","categories":[91701],"tags":[230213,275,4190,2223,756,214,2447,37281,1565],"section":[44],"primary_topic":[35],"series":[],"admin_tag":[],"class_list":["post-334883","to4_article_post","type-to4_article_post","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-interview","tag-coretta-scott-king","tag-history","tag-liberals","tag-martin-luther-king-jr","tag-police-brutality","tag-racism","tag-segregation","tag-the-south","tag-vietnam-war","section-politics-and-elections","primary_topic-politics"],"acf":[],"related_articles":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/to4_article_post\/334883","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/to4_article_post"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/to4_article_post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/86"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/334894"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=334883"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=334883"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=334883"},{"taxonomy":"section","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/section?post=334883"},{"taxonomy":"primary_topic","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/primary_topic?post=334883"},{"taxonomy":"series","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/series?post=334883"},{"taxonomy":"admin_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/truthout.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/admin_tag?post=334883"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}